What The Hell Is Cameroon Doing With 369 Political Parties?

The November 9, 2023 press release issued by the Minister of Territorial Administration, Paul Atanga Nji, which scandalously announced the legalization of 40 more political parties in the country, brought to a total of 369 political parties that the Biya regime has legalized since 1991 in a small country like Cameroon, with a population estimated at less than 30 million. The question that many people, especially political observers in Cameroon and beyond, have definitely been asking is what Cameroon is doing with 369 political parties. In other words, does Cameroon needs 369 political parties? The answer of course is certainly, NO.

The Territorial Administration Minister ridiculously said in his November 9 press release that the authorization of 40 more political parties is meant “to enrich the political landscape and promote freedom of expression so dear to the Head of State, His Excellency Paul Biya; Great Advocate of democracy in our society”. NO Comment. Atanga Nji added that the 40 additional political parties “will henceforth contribute to open and constructive debates”.

Before the authorization of 40 more political parties to exist, there were already a total of 329 authorised political parties in Cameroon. The questions many political observers and analysts will definitely asked, is: How many of the 329 political parties participated in political debates in the country in the last few years? How many of the 329 political parties were active in the field? How many of the 329 political parties participated at the last municipal and legislative elections in the country that jointly took place on February 9, 2020, and how many won at least one council or parliamentary seat? How many of the 329 political parties have ever been launched since they were created and legalized?

Political observers would agree that less than 30 political parties were active in political debates or whatever debate on the media or wherever in the last decade in Cameroon. Also, less than 30 political parties carried out political activities in the field. As to how many of the 329 political parties participated at the last local elections (Municipal Elections) on February 29, 2020) in the country, there were not up to a total of 30.

In fact more than 280 of the 329 parties that existed in Cameroon, before the coming of 40 more parties have never taken part in municipal (local elections) or legislative elections since they were legalized. The QUESTION THEN IS, WHAT IS THE USE OF A POLITICAL PARTY THAT CAN NOT PARTICIPATE IN LOCAL ELECTIONS? OR BETTER STILL, WHAT IS THE USE OF A POLITICAL PARTY THAT CAN NOT IN LOCAL ELECTIONS PUT UP A LIST IN AT LEAST ONE OF THE 360 MUNICIPALTIES IN CAMEROON?

At the February 9, 2020 Municipal Elections, 19 political parties, which was the highest number in the 10 regions, took part in the elections in the Centre Region. The 19 parties included: CPDM, PCRN, UNDP, PDC, ADD, UNIVERS, PAL, FDC, PURS, MDPC, FSNC, ANDP, UNDP, JOVENCE, UCB, PNDC, MPCC, PEA, CRAC, and PRP. Worth noting that the ruling CPDM swept all the councils in the Centre Region at the elections. 16 political parties participate at the last municipal elections in the Littoral Region. They included: CPDM, MDP, SDF, MANIDEM, MPCN, UNDP, PCRN, AC, PURS, MLDC, MP, UDC, NMP, UFDC, ANDP and PADDEC. In the North Region, only six parties took part at the municipal elections, and they included: FSNC, CPDM, UNDP, PCRN, ANDP and URDS.

11 parties went in for the municipal elections in the West Region, and they included: UDC, CPDM, SDF, PCRN, UMS, MCNC, UNDP, Offre Orange, PADDEC, FSNC, and AFP. 7 political parties participated at the February 9, 2020 Municipal Elections in the East Region. They were: CPDM, UNDP, FSNC, UNIVERS, UFP, RDI and ANDP. As for the Far North Region said to be the most populated region in Cameroon, a total of 10 political parties took part in the last municipal elections. They were: UNDP, MDR, CPDM, ANDP, NPPC, FSNC, UNIVERS, UDC, CRAC, and PCRN.

Worth noting that quite a number of these parties put up only one list each in the whole country, at the February 9, 2020 Municipal Elections. These meant that they each participated or ran only in one municipality, out the 360 municipalities in the country. Examples of such parties included PAL and FDC that participated only in Monatele, PEA in Dibang, RFP in Yaounde 6, PDC in Elig – Mfoumou, AC in Yabassi, MP in Douala 1, RDI in Lomie, Juvence in Soa, NPPC in Gazawa, among others. However they tried, as compared to the hundreds of other parties that could not put up a list even in the municipalities of the Founding Presidents.

Meanwhile as regard the number of political parties that won at least a parliamentary seat, at the February 9, 2020 Legislative Election, there were just a total of 7. These included: Paul Biya”s CPDM, Bello Bouba Maigari’s UNDP, Ni John Fru Ndi’s SDF, Cabral Libii’s PCRN, Adamou Ndam Noya’s CDU, Pierre Kwemo’s UMS, and Issa Tchiroma Bakary’s FSNC. These are the parties that are in the current Legislature. As for the February 9, 2020 Municipal Elections, only a total of 10 political parties won at least a council. They included: Paul Biya’s CPDM, Bello Bouba Maigari’s UNDP, Adamou Ndam Njoya’s CDU, Cabral Libii’s PCRN, Ni John Fru Ndi’s SDF, Issa Tchirma Bakary’s FSNC, Pierre Kwemo’s UMS, Paul Eric Kingue;s MPCN, Dalkole Daissala”s MDR, and Monthe’s MCNC. As can be seen, only 3 other parties added to the 7 that also won seats at the legislative elections. Worth noting that four of the party leaders cited above that were alive during the February 9, 2020 Legislative and Municipal Elections, are today of blessed memory. They include Adamou Ndam Njoya of CDU, Dakole Daissala of MDR, Paul Eric Kingue of MPCN, and Ni John Fru Ndi of the SDF.

Worth noting that the CPDM alone swept 316 out of the total of 360 municipal councils in the country, at the February 9, 200 Legislative Elections, and also swept over 150 out of the total of 180 seats at the February 9, 2020 Legislative Elections. But it should be noted that there were in reality no elections in the two Anglophone Regions, the Northwest and Southwest Regions, because of insecurity due to the escalated Anglophone Crisis. Looking at the results of the 2013 and even the 2007 Legislative and Municipal Elections, it is indisputable that if not of the Anglophone Crisis, the SDF would have won more parliamentary seats at the February 9, 2020 Legislative and Municipal Elections.

Meanwhile it is thus clear that Cameroon does not need many political parties. At least a total of 300 of the 329 political parties that had earlier been authorized in Cameroon before the recent coming of 40 others, have never been launched. The public does not know these parties. The parties exist only in the suitcases or handbags of the so – called National Presidents.

The question then is why the CPDM or Biya regime is authorizing so many political parties in the country. One of the main reasons is that many of these political parties, are satellite parties of the ruling CPDM, that are created to pass around for opposition parties, with one of their missions being to create confusion in the opposition ranks, and thus keep the opposition divided and thus weak. One other mission of these fake opposition parties is to come out during times of needs including during the presidential election, to declare support for the position of the Government, or for the candidature of the incumbent candidate, President Paul Biya. This is meant to give the false impression to the international community in particular, that the opposition supports the position of the Government, or supports the candidature of the incumbent (CPDM candidate) at the presidential election.

One other reason for the legalization of so many political parties, is that in the absence of real democracy in Cameroon, the Biya regime uses the number of legalized political parties as their own evidence to show the international community that there is democracy in Cameroon. But the international community knows it so well, that democracy does not mean many political parties. There are less than six political parties in the United States of America with a population of about 300 million, which is presented as the leading democracy in the world.

It is the same thing the Biya regime does with the issue of press freedom. Whenever the issue of press freedom comes up, the Minister of Communication, Rene Emmanuel Sadi, would talk of how there are 700 registered newspapers in Cameroon. But the question is how many of those 700 registered newspapers are found at the kiosks each week?

2018 Presidential Elections – Atanga Nji’s G 20

At the last presidential election in the country that took place on October 7, 2018 for example, two groups of 20 political parties came out and declared support for the candidature of the incumbent, Paul Biya. One of the groups was the Presidential Majority headed by the National President of the United Democratic Party, UDP, Bochong El Hadj Lawan Bako. The Presidential Majority that is well known has been supporting the candidature of President Biya at presidential elections since the 90s. But the other group led by Barrister Jean Momo of PADDEC, that called themselves G 20, was a group of fake opposition parties that were put together by the Minister of Territorial Administration, Paul Atanga Nji. In fact the Secretariat of the G 20 was at the Ministry of Territorial Administration in Yaounde.

This was a manipulation meant to give the false impression to the international community, that the candidature of President Biya that was strongly criticized in the country and beyond because of his longevity in power as well as his age, was not only supported by the ruling CPDM and allies, but also by many opposition parties. The leaders of the G 20 parties received huge sums of money from the regime. The first installment that was disbursed by the Director of Civil Cabinet to the G 20 members was 15 million FCFA each. That was good business for the G 20 members. The designated leader of the group, Barrister Jean de Dieu Momo, was after the election also appointed into Government as Minister Delegate at the Ministry of Justice and Keeper of the Seals.

But it should be noted that at the next legislative and municipal elections in the country that came up on February 9, 2020, which was less than two years after the presidential election, only Jean de Dieu Momo’s PADDEC, and two or three others out of the 20 members of the so called G 20, participated at the elections. The others were unable to put up lists, because in reality they exist only in the suitcases or handbags of the Presidents, and nowhere in the field.

So there are many parties in Cameroon that only exist in the suitcases or handbags of the Founding Presidents, that people hear about them only during presidential elections, when they strike financial deals with the regime to support the incumbent candidate, Paul Biya. The Biya regime knows so well that these parties do not have militants, but strike deals with them so as to use the number of the parties that declared support for the incumbent at the presidential election, to try to justify its controversial victory.

Also, there are many ‘fast guys’ in Cameroon, and it did not take long for some people to realize that political parties could be transformed into a lucrative business, by either renting them out or selling them. And considering that the laid conditions to create a political party in Cameroon are so easy to fulfill, many of these opportunists have been grouping themselves to create political parties with their real intention being to rent them out or sell them to those in need.

There are some personalities who do not belong to any political party, but who decide to run in some elections and thus need political parties. They need political parties not to become militants, but just to run on their tickets, since they cannot run as independent candidates because of the tough conditions fixed by Government. So in fact by having laid down very tough conditions for somebody to become an independent candidate at a presidential election, the Biya Government, even though unintentionally, promotes the business of renting out political parties.

We saw this for example with the former General Manager of the National Investment Corporation, Esther Dang, at the 2011 Presidential Election. She initially wanted to run as an independent candidate, but with the conditions being so tough, she finally had to negotiate with the President of the BRIC Party, Eric Pekoubo, to run on the ticket of the party. After the election, it was over between her and BRIC. At the 2018 Presidential Election, a prominent independent personality and former President of the Cameroon Bar Council, Akere Tabeng Muna, reached an agreement with the leadership of FPD, to run for the election on the ticket of the party.

Still at the 2018 Presidential Election, the leader of Kingship International Ministries, Franklin Affanwi Ndifor, who was popularly known as Prophet Frank, struck a deal with the President of MCNC, Monthe (former SDF MP), to run for the election on the ticket of his party. By then, Prophet Frank’s own party, NPPC had just been legalized, but he could not use it for the presidential election because a new condition set by Government, stated that a party must have at least one councilor to qualify to give its investiture to a candidate for the presidential election.

We have also seen another type of deal, which is the permanent takeover of political parties. The two parties in the deal do directly talk of the sale of a party, because that would be a crime. They rather talk of a takeover of the running of the party. Also, the Founding President of the party remains in the party as a militant, and can be given an honourary post.

We saw it with the permanent takeover of the Cameroon People’s Party, CPP, by Douala based Edith Kahbang Walla from the Bamenda based Founding President, Samuel Tita Fon. Being a strong critic of the Biya regime, Kah Walla as she is commonly known, definitely knew that if she sent in a file for the legalization of a political party, the regime would not legalize it. Kah Walla, who became the National President of the CPP, was at candidate at the 2011 Presidential Election.

We also saw a similar deal in 2019 with the takeover of the PCRN from the Founding President, Kona Albert of the Far North Region, by Cabral Libii Ngue. Worthy of note, that Cabral Libii was candidate at the 2018 Presidential Election on the ticket of another party, UNIVERS, of Prof Prosper Nkou Mvondo.

But it should be noted that the dishonesty manifested later by the two Founding Fathers of political parties, that have so far struck deals with the some political figures or groups to take over their parties, will likely seriously affect the business, as their dubious attitudes will definitely discourage other Cameroonians from getting into a deal to take over a political party.

Another form of deal in the political party business is for a group of disgruntled militants of a party, to negotiate with the leadership of another political party, to use the party to run for either municipal or legislative elections. At the 2013 Municipal Elections, a powerful group of grass -root CPDM militants in Yabassi, Nkam Division of the Littoral Region, let by an elite, Mabouya Mboya Jacques, and supported by many local CPDM militants, rejected a list for the municipal election that was imposed by the General Secretariat of the CPDM in Yaounde. The group negotiated with the Founding President of UFP, Olivier Bile, and used the name of the party to put up a list for the municipal election in Yabassi.

Before then, UFP had never existed in Yabassi. To the biggest embarrassment of the CPDM hierarchy, the UFP list comprised of disgruntled CPDM militants beat the CPDM list at the 2013 Municipal Election in Yabassi, and Mabouya Mboya Jacques became Mayor of Yabassi.

However prior to the next municipal election which was on February 9, 2020, the CPDM hierarchy dialogued with the disgruntled CPDM militants who had become ‘UFP’ councilors. There was reconciliation, and the councilors and their supporters returned to the CPDM, with the exception of Mayor Mabouya Mboya Jacques, who refused to return to the CPPDM. He instead struck a new deal with the Founding President of AC Party and used the name of the party to put up a list for the 2020 Municipal Election in Yabassi. The CPDM however won the election and took back the Yabassi Council. It should be noted that UFP that had been abandoned by the outgoing councilors and Mayor, could not put up a list at the 2020 Municipal Election in Yabassi.

A similar situation, like what happened in Yabassi at the 2013 Municipal Elections, happened at Banka in Upper Nkam Division, West Region, at the 2020 Municipal Elections. A group of local CPDM militants in Banka, led by a businessman, protested against the list that was imposed by some external CPDM elite, for the municipal election in the municipality. The leaders of the group of disgruntled CPDM militants, negotiated with the Founding President of MCNC, Monthe (former SDF militant and MP), and used the party’s name to put up a list for the February 9, 2020 Municipal Election. Worth noting as aforementioned, that Prophet Frank used the same MCNC to run for the 2018 Presidential Election.

Meanwhile at the February 9, 2020 Municipal Elections in Banka Municipality, the MCNC list comprised of the disgruntled CPDM militants, beat the CPDM list, and thus took over the running of the Banka Council. It is very likely that before the next municipal elections, the CPDM hierarchy would have negotiated with them to return to the party.

Meanwhile at the the 2020 Legislative Elections, Albel Elimbi Lobe, who quit the SDF and created a group of Sawa activists, negotiated with the leadership of the MEC party that was founded by Fritz Ngoh, and used the party’s name to run for the elections in the Wouri 1 Constituency comprised of Douala 1 and Manoka. They however did not win the election.

Meanwhile the one big advantage that the Founding Presidents of UFP and MCNC now have, after disgruntled groups of CPDM militants used their parties to run for municipal elections, and which they won, is that these two parties that before then had never won any election, have officially joined the rank of the few political parties in Cameroon that have so far won an election. To be precise, the UFP and MCNC are two of the few parties in the country that have won a municipal election, and thus have managed or run a municipal council. That is good for the credentials and image of the two parties.

Meanwhile even some of the deals to rent parties have ended up with scandals over money. The former General Manager of SNI, Madam Esther Dang, who for example negotiated with the Founding or National President of BRIC, Ernest Pekoubo, in 2011 to run for the presidential election on the party’s ticket, got really embarrassed at the end that her name was dragged into mud by some irate collaborators of the party’s President.

The source of the redouble was the 15 million FCFA which the Government disbursed to each candidate, being 50 % of the campaign funds that the State was supposed to allocate to each of the candidate in the presidential election. The disbursement of the other 50 % do depends on the score of each candidate at the election.

Apparently, Esther Dang treated only with the National President of BRIC as regard financial issues, and it was left for the National President to take care of his collaborators. The collaborators seemingly received only some little money for campaign, and were promised something after the election, which did not come. That however was not the fault of Madam Dang. But the collaborators of the National President of BRIC got angry and announced that Madam Dang would be summon to face the Disciplinary Committee of the party, whereas she was not a militant of BRIC. Perhaps that was a blackmail tactic to push the lady to give them money. The issue went public, and became a big embarrassment to Madam Dang. Pekoubo on his part tried to downplay the scandal by instead blaming the media for blowing “a little issue” out of proportion.